LaLiga President Tebas Joins A- List Speaker Line-Up For Inaugural SportBusiness Summit



LaLiga President Javier Tebas, who has masterminded the
phenomenal global growth of Spain’s elite football league,
is to bring his unique perspective on the sport’s
international development to the inaugural SportBusiness
Summit in Miami on September 18-19.
Tebas joins a growing line-up of A-list speakers at an
event which promises fresh perspectives and insights into
the sports business delivered by the people whose
decisions shape the sector.
Among those already confirmed to join Tebas on the
conference platform are Philadelphia 76ers COO Lara
Price, and Keith Bruce of QuintEvents International.
Price, who runs business operations, corporate and team
communications and public relations along with
community engagement at the 76ers was the Women in
Sports  & Events ( WISE) Woman of the Year in 2015 while
Bruce, an event industry veteran, leads QuintEvents new
Formula One Experiences organisation working with all 21
F1 events worldwide.
Under Tebas, LaLiga  has massively expanded its global
footprint and international rights value and built
international recognition of its clubs beyond the
established global brands of Real Madrid and Barcelona.
On his watch the league has made a raft of positive
changes to its product for the global market.
At the SportBusiness Summit he will be among leaders of
sport from around the world to discuss the key issues
impacting the development of the sector in the USA and
globally.  The invitation-only event will fuse SportBusiness’
data and analysis with the unique opinion, assessment
and overview of key decision makers and opinion formers
from leading international and US sports leagues, clubs,
agencies, brands, technology leaders and media
organisations.
Subject strands on the agenda include new business
opportunities in soccer, trends in global media rights,
sponsorship, understanding the globe fan base,
opportunities and challenges arising from new US sports
betting legislation and the strategies of the tech
companies shaping the future of sport.
Tickets and hotel packages for the SportsBusiness
Summit are available now. For details, please visit
sportbusiness.com/summit .

Boogie noches: how erotic cinema boom in 1970s helped shape modern Spain


Madrid, June 1978. A sweltering heatwave is
matched by the tensions bubbling through
newspaper headlines. Nearly three years since
the death of dictator Francisco Franco, politicians
are intensely debating the new constitution at
the Palacio de las Cortes. Will the Left accept the
monarchy or demand a republic? Will the Right
accept abolishing the death penalty and omitting
any reference to the Catholic church? Will
regions such as the Basque Country and
Catalonia receive the sovereignty they demand?
Around the corner, people queue for the latest
hit film. Is it Grease, newly premiered in New
York and on its way to becoming a global
colossus? No. Spanish audiences won’t be
introduced to Danny, Sandy and the gang until
September. Today’s crowd awaits a much more
explicit celebration of cinematic sexuality: Las
eróticas vacaciones de Stela (Stela’s Erotic
Vacations).
Played by Azucena Hernández, the reigning Miss
Catalonia, Stela has returned from her strict
Catholic boarding school and is set on disrupting
this peaceful Castilian town. Unlike the
negotiators in the congress, Stela is not
diplomatic towards the guardians of Catholic
morality. She sexualises everything – even a
banister becomes an erotic toy as she slides
down in ecstasy. She seduces a priest, a maid
and her stepfather – she even flashes her own
mother.
Such films became possible after Spain abolished
censorship in December 1977. This was
monumental – it is hard to convey how much
censorship shaped public consciousness during
the dictatorship. It created such hunger for erotic
images that many made pilgrimages to France to
see Last Tango in Paris (1972), among other
films. Group tours of x-rated cinemas were even
organised.

Rated ‘S’ for sexual


In Franco’s day, some Spaniards believed the
world outside was freer than it was. When
audiences saw Rita Hayworth’s famous scene in
Gilda (1946), where she provocatively removes a
long white glove onstage, many in Spain
assumed she did a full striptease in the uncut
version.
Occasionally censorship even made things more
lurid. In Mogambo (1953), Spanish censors
changed the script to conceal the adulterous
relationship between Grace Kelly and Clark
Gable’s characters, turning Kelly’s husband into
her brother. When she later shares a bed with
him, they appear to be committing a much
greater sin.
Ending censorship gave free rein to what was
known as the destape, literally “the undressing”.
The “S” rating was created, allowing films with
soft porn elements to infiltrate the mainstream.
S-rated films were generally cheap and big
money makers. Stela’s Erotic Variations alone
sold 600,000 tickets, and was followed by other
great successes such as El mundo maravilloso del
sexo (The Marvellous World of Sex), Trampa
sexual (Sexual Trap) and La orgía (The Orgy).
The 17 S-rated films screened in 1978 probably
attracted more customers than the four million
people that went to see Grease.
Neither was the destape limited to cinema. The
magazine Interviú, formed in 1976, was creating
waves with revealing covers of famous actresses,
including a nude photo of Franco-era child star
Marisol – sadly without her permission.
In February 1978 another iconic photograph
appeared. It shows future Madrid mayor Enrique
Tierno Galván giving actress/stripper Susana
Estrada – star of El mundo maravilloso del sexo –
a prize for being the most popular actress of the
year. Her jacket has moved, revealing a breast,
while she smiles unconcerned. The picture
became an emblem of Spain’s transition to
democracy, showing it was much more than a
political process.
The S rating endured until 1983, when it was
replaced by the more permissive but more
marginalised X rating. Where the 1970s releases
often included good scripts and serious social
commentary, the destape was becoming more
purely gratuitous by the early 1980s.
Since then the genre has often been considered
an embarrassing footnote in Spanish cinema. But
that risks missing something important. As one
writer has put it , Stela, like other young S-rated
protagonists, “embodies the myriad ironies of the
transition to democracy, for she does not merely
awaken the village sexually, but reveals what
was always simmering under the surface of
franquista repression”.
Sex and nudity have been especially pervasive in
the nation’s cinema over the past four decades. A
recent book, Spanish Erotic Cinema , argues
convincingly that sensual pleasure on Spanish
screens is bound up with historical, political and
social issues.

Priests and politics

A good example is El sacerdote (The Priest),
another S-rated success during that sultry
summer of ‘78. It shows a priest torn between
conservative ideology and sexual desires,
awakened by a billboard of a woman in a bikini
and the steamy confessions of an unhappy
housewife. His inner turmoil reaches such a
frenzy that he eventually castrates himself.
Director Eloy de la Iglesia’s films are often
criticised for being heavily didactic. Yet some
argue that movies such as El sacerdote helped
broaden the moral horizons of the audience. In
October 1978, de la Iglesia premiered El diputado
(Confessions of a Congressman), one of many
films that featured gay characters and arguably
contributed to Spain’s widespread acceptance of
homosexuality.
The same summer also saw Bilbao , a landmark
in the genre by director Bigas Luna . His work
over the next two decades would blur erotic and
art-house cinema. Penélope Cruz and Javier
Bardem were launched to stardom in his 1992
send-up of Spanish stereotypes, Jamón jamon
(Ham Ham), where they famously make love
under one of the country’s emblematic bull-
shaped highway billboards.
More recently, the popular films Torremolinos 73
(2004), Los años desnudos (The Naked Years,
2008) and Kiki, el amor se hace (Quickie, Love is
So, 2016) all pay homage to the genre. In this
#MeToo era, many might prefer it was buried
instead. Yet in contrast with the female sexual
objects of the original destape, it has been argued
that the women in Kiki, for example, are “utterly
in control of their sexuality, well informed about
various practices, open-minded and confident in
their pursuit of their preferences and desires”.
The Spanish people approved today’s constitution
in the referendum of December 1978, founding a
political order that now appears in disarray. The
Catalan conflict is rooted in that constitution’s
negation of the right of Spanish regions to self-
determination. The former president, Mariano
Rajoy, was recently forced out of office over party
corruption.
Many now question the entire political culture
that was forged in the transition years after
dictatorship. If we consider the conscientious
undressing of old morals and sexual hang-ups
another of the founding acts of democratic Spain,
this parallel process is arguably in much better
health. To give just one example, Spain was one
of the first countries to legalise same-sex
marriage, preceded only by Holland and
Belgium. While the difficulties with the destape
are obvious, we should concede it has played an
important role in creating the culture we see
today.

Spain says EU pledges funds for Spain and Morocco to handle migration

According to news from MADRID  - European leaders have
agreed to increase funds for Spain and
Morocco to help deal with migration flows as
more people choose the route between the
two countries to cross to Europe, Spanish
Prime Minister0 Pedro Sanchez said on
Friday.

“There is a commitment to dispense more
funds to the government of Spain and
Morocco,” Sanchez said during a televised
news conference after a European Union
summit in Brussels, adding there was
recognition that this route was under rising
pressure.

Migrant deal struck as Greece, Germany, Spain agree on returns



Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras said the trilateral agreement on
Friday for the return of migrants and refugees from Germany
to Greece and Spain will not burden the country and will also
expedite the reunification of split families.
The deal’s main aim, he said, is to minimize the flow of the
so-called secondary movement of migrants and refugees from
point-of-entry countries – like Greece and Spain – to
Germany.
He said, moreover, that the deal was not linked to the
acceptance – on the sidelines of the summit of European
Union leaders in Brussels – of the Greek request for a
suspension of the planned VAT hikes on five islands of the
eastern Aegean which have borne the brunt of the crisis.
New Democracy welcomed the VAT hike suspension, saying
however that this had always been a conservative proposal.
When the government follows ND’s cue, it said, positive things
happen for the country.
With critics arguing that the deal could burden Greece with
higher numbers of asylum applicants, Tsipras said he is
confident that this will not be the case as, he claimed, that
current flows to Germany are limited, due to the presence of
Frontex on the northern border, to 100-150 people per month.
Furthermore, the text of the trilateral deal said that “Germany
will gradually accept and conclude the family reunification
cases in Greece and Spain with a view to guaranteeing family
unity.”
Tsipras said that Germany will unblock 2,900 family
reunifications from Greece.
However, given the unbending stance of several countries with
regard to burden sharing and the emphasis placed on
secondary movements, it is widely believed that flows to the
islands of the eastern Aegean will rise and that more migrants
will be stranded in Greece.
Under the specifics of the deal, Tsipras noted that Germany
and Spain are committed to backing the review of the Dublin
Agreement within 2018, and promoting EU initiatives to help
Greece in the event of a new migration crisis and to assist the
five eastern Aegean islands financially.
Referring to the sharp divisions at the EU summit, Tsipras said
the bloc is split between countries with a chauvinistic
approach on the matter and those, like Greece, with a more
humane attitude.

Spanish politician aims to jail journalists who uncovered fraud scandal

The International Press Institute (IPI), a global network
of editors, media executives and leading journalists
for media freedom, today condemned an attempt by a
leading Spanish politician to jail two journalists who
revealed her alleged involvement in a fraud scandal.
In documents filed this week in court, the politician,
Cristina Cifuentes, the former president of the
Community of Madrid, accused the two journalists,
eldiario.es Founder and Editor-in-Chief Ignacio
Escolar and investigative journalist Raquel Ejerique, of
aggravated disclosure of confidential information.
The criminal complaint seeks to jail Escolar and
Ejerique for up to five years. It accuses the pair of
having acted “blindly” in pursuit of a “valuable
exclusive”.
Eldiario.es launched a series of reports on March 21,
written by Ejerique, explaining how Cifuentes had
allegedly obtained her master’s degree from Rey Juan
Carlos University through fraud. The information
published by the news site generated great public
interest in Spain and put political pressure on
Cifuentes, who eventually stepped down several
weeks later following an unrelated shoplifting scandal.
The reports also prompted a criminal investigation
into Cifuentes for falsifying public documents and
bribery.
IPI Deputy Director Scott Griffen called the charges
filed by Cifuentes a “blatant and clumsy attack on
media freedom in Spain”.
“Pursuing a story is not a crime”, he said. “Ignacio
Escolar and Raquel Ejerique are being targeted
because they did their job. The court should dismiss
this case quickly and with prejudice.”
The Madrid-based Platform in Defence of Free
Expression (PDLI), an IPI partner, also condemned
Cifuentes’s move. PDLI said it feared that the case
may be an effort to expose the journalists’ source,
“whose protection is one of the professional duties of
journalists. In that case, it would be a serious attack
on the constitutional right to inform and be informed
and an unacceptable threat against investigative
journalism.”
Earlier this year, an IPI special feature described the
pattern by which Spanish politicians resort to
unfounded legal actions against investigative
journalists to stop their reporting.